Human Rights Watch Calls for Due Process for Detained Libyan Ex-Prime Minister

[Former Libyan Prime Minister Al-Baghdadi al-Mahmoudi. Image from Wikimedia Commons] [Former Libyan Prime Minister Al-Baghdadi al-Mahmoudi. Image from Wikimedia Commons]

Human Rights Watch Calls for Due Process for Detained Libyan Ex-Prime Minister

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following statement was issued by Human Rights Watch on 6 July 2012.] 

The Libyan authorities have yet to bring former prime minister Al-Baghdadi al-Mahmoudi before a judge or inform him of the charges against him though he was extradited from Tunisia on 24 June, 2012, Human Rights Watch said today after visiting al-Mahmoudi in his prison cell in Tripoli. Al-Mahmoudi said that he had not suffered any abuse during his detention in Libya, but that he had been physically abused in detention in Tunisia.

Providing access to visit al-Mahmoudi was a positive move, but Libyan authorities should ensure that al-Mahmoudi is granted all his rights as a suspect, Human Rights Watch said. He should promptly be brought before a judge to determine the basis for his detention and to be informed of the charges against him. The Tunisian authorities should ensure a prompt and transparent investigation into his allegations of abuse in that country, Human Rights Watch said.

“Tunisia extradited al-Mahmoudi after receiving assurances that Libya would not mistreat him,” said Eric Goldstein, DeputyMiddle East and North Africa Director at Human Rights Watch. “It is now up to Libya to keep its word to respect al-Mahmoudi’s rights, both for him and to show its good intentions toward the seven thousand other people detained across Libya by various authorities.”

The Libyan General Prosecutor’s Office needs to make sure that al-Mahmoudi and all other detainees get a fair trial and due process, Human Rights Watch said.

Al-Mahmoudi, Gaddafi’s prime minister from 2006 to 2011, fled Libya in September 2011. The Tunisian authorities arrested him that month for illegal entry. Tunisia’s government split over whether to extradite him to Libya, with interim President Moncef Marzouki contending that Tunisia should not extradite al-Mahmoudi because he would be at risk of torture in Libya. However, interim Prime Minister Hamadi Jbali said Libya had promised that al-Mahmoudi would not be mistreated and, on 24 June, Tunisian authorities flew al-Mahmoudi to Libya, where he was immediately placed in custody.

Human Rights Watch visited al-Mahmoudi on 3 July  in the prison in Tripoli where he and eight other former Gaddafi officials, including former head of foreign intelligence Abu Zaid Dorda, are being held. Human Rights Watch spent about thirty minutes speaking with the former prime minister in what appeared to be full confidentiality, in an office in the prison.

Al-Mahmoudi expressed no complaints with the facility where he is now detained. “I am afraid to be subjected to ill-treatment by random people and militias,” al-Mahmoudi said. “But I feel safe in this facility.”

He added that upon his arrival, he spoke by phone with Mustafa Abdeljalil, chairman of Libya’s ruling National Transitional Council. “I was intimidated at the time and concerned that something could happen to me, but he reassured me that I was now with my own people and would be well received,” al-Mahmoudi told Human Rights Watch.

Human Rights Watch was not in a position to assess whether al-Mahmoudi felt he could speak freely and honestly to its representative about his treatment at the hands of Libyan and Tunisian authorities.

The prison where al-Mahmoudi is held is run by the judicial police. Human Rights Watch was taken on a tour of the premises by the prison director, who said that al-Mahmoudi was being kept separately from the other inmates. During this tour, Human Rights Watch saw a clinic with medical staff, as well as a small courtyard that the director said prisoners can use when let out of their cells. Al-Mahmoudi is being kept in a prison block on his own, which includes four cells adjacent to a common area for recreation as well as separate sanitary facilities in the same block.

Al-Mahmoudi told Human Rights Watch that while he was held in the Mornaguia prison in Tunis, guards threatened him and beat him with sticks, boots, and a plastic whip. He also said Tunisian authorities did not allow him to meet with his lawyer, prompting him to begin a hunger strike.

One of al-Mahmoudi’s lawyers in Tunisia confirmed to Human Rights Watch that lawyers had been unable to talk with him in prison during one week at the end of May.

Al-Mahmoudi told Human Rights Watch that Tunisian officials told him on 24 June  that he was being taken to receive medical care, but that instead he was put on a Tripoli-bound plane. On the plane, “The chief of staff of the Libyan Army, General Youssef al-Mangoush, was waiting for me and he reassured me that I would be well treated and not harmed,” al-Mahmoudi said.

Upon his arrival in Tripoli, he said, authorities sent him for a medical examination. Then investigators from the General Prosecutor’s Office interrogated him, he said. He has not yet been informed of the charges he faces, though, or been brought before a judge who can review the lawfulness of his detention.

Al-Mahmoudi said he asked for a lawyer during the investigation phase, which began shortly after he arrived in Libya. Authorities offered to assign him counsel, but he said he preferred to appoint his own. His family was selecting a lawyer, he said.

The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), ratified by Libya in 1970, states that anyone facing criminal charges has the right “to be informed promptly and in detail in a language which he understands of the nature and cause of the charge against him.” The ICCPR also requires Libya to ensure that anyone detained is brought promptly before a judge or equivalent. The right to judicial review of all detainees without delay is non-derogable.

Human Rights Watch called on the general prosecutor’s office to ensure al-Mahmoudi and other detainees get their full due process rights and subsequently a fair trial. Human Rights Watch also calls on the Tunisian authorities to investigate the allegations of ill-treatment at the hands of the prison authorities, and to punish anyone found to have abused or ordered abuse.

“For Libyans to achieve justice, the Libyan authorities need to ensure that the rule of law is respected and detainees are granted their full due process rights,” Goldstein said.

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Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412